Wednesday, June 22, 2011
Deal With Tribal Issues.
Western journos covering Africa often fail to see the underlying ethnic squabbles that are at the root of so many of our problems. Some African intellectuals also deliberately omit ethnic issues from their analyses, for reasons of not wanting to be seen as "backward" or even "barbaric". Well, we're African, & we're the ones who must sort out our own affairs, and so waving away acute, pertinent issues of ethnicity, tribe, clan, totem and language just won't do. These issues must be tackled head on. If they're not acknowledged and tackled head-on, they have a tendency -- like vipers -- to turn around and bite us in the rear end. Kenya's post-election violence of '08 is a prime example of festering, tribal problems that were left unattended to and then erupted into anarchy at a crucial moment in Africa's democratic journey. We Africans must not be blind to our own realities. We must strive to sort out our own mess.
Monday, June 6, 2011
Prof. George Ayittey -- How To Topple A Brutal Dictator
Like many learned Africans, I've been patiently waiting for Prof. George Ayittey's new book to come out. He first mentioned it to me (in correspondence) about three years ago and I'm still waiting. Fortunately, he did email me a chapter-by-chapter synopsis of his new-book, and I have posted the synopsis below. The Title of Prof. Ayittey's upcoming book is, "How To Topple A Dictator". Read below, in his own words.
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Prof. George Ayittey: dictatorship is a system of governance and will emerge in any political system that concentrates power in the hands of one individual without any checks and balances. I argued in Chapter 2 that a dictatorship is incompatible with the tribal or traditional systems in most developing countries, whereby decision-making is by consensus. These systems also have checks and balances. Dictatorships proliferated after these countries -- mostly ex-colonies – gained their independence. They inherited a unitary system of government, which centralizes decision-making and power. They also acquired the “means” or instruments of coercion (standing armies) and the “reach” (improvements in communications and transportation), which enabled dictators to flourish (Chapter 3).
Chapter 4 discussed the modus operandi of dictatorships. They seize control of key state institutions (the media, security forces, civil service, judiciary, electoral commission, etc.), pack them with their allies, supporters and subvert them to serve their dictates. In other words, a dictatorship insidiously develops tentacles that reach into all segments of the society. Eventually, it collapses under the weight of its own internal contradictions and intrigues (Chapter 5).
However, its demise is accelerated when growing social inequality and discontent spark civil unrest and street protests (Chapter 6). But street protests alone are not enough to topple a dictator. The aid of an auxiliary agent or institution is needed (Chapters 6 and 7) to finish the job. Even then, getting rid of the dictator does not necessarily get rid of the dictatorship. The institutional framework that bolstered the dictator must also be dissembled or gutted (Chapter 8). Otherwise, the next rat will use the same institutional set-up to transform himself into another dictator. Recall the Tunisian lament: “We got rid of the dictator but not the dictatorship.”
Therefore, the question then is not just toppling the dictators but uprooting or dissembling the dictatorship. Chapter 8 is the most important of all the chapters because uprooting a dictatorship requires, not just political reform but also intellectual, constitutional, institutional and economic reform. The judiciary, intelligence services, the media, the electoral commission would all have to be cleansed and the tentacles of the dictatorship severed. But, as I stressed in Chapter 8, all these reform initiatives must be taken in sequence. Reform that is out of sequence creates problems. Premature economic reform or liberalization creates crony or vampire capitalism. In other words, it is not enough to cut down the tree; the roots must also be pulled out in sequence or order. Else, the tree will grow again.
=====================================
Prof. George Ayittey: dictatorship is a system of governance and will emerge in any political system that concentrates power in the hands of one individual without any checks and balances. I argued in Chapter 2 that a dictatorship is incompatible with the tribal or traditional systems in most developing countries, whereby decision-making is by consensus. These systems also have checks and balances. Dictatorships proliferated after these countries -- mostly ex-colonies – gained their independence. They inherited a unitary system of government, which centralizes decision-making and power. They also acquired the “means” or instruments of coercion (standing armies) and the “reach” (improvements in communications and transportation), which enabled dictators to flourish (Chapter 3).
Chapter 4 discussed the modus operandi of dictatorships. They seize control of key state institutions (the media, security forces, civil service, judiciary, electoral commission, etc.), pack them with their allies, supporters and subvert them to serve their dictates. In other words, a dictatorship insidiously develops tentacles that reach into all segments of the society. Eventually, it collapses under the weight of its own internal contradictions and intrigues (Chapter 5).
However, its demise is accelerated when growing social inequality and discontent spark civil unrest and street protests (Chapter 6). But street protests alone are not enough to topple a dictator. The aid of an auxiliary agent or institution is needed (Chapters 6 and 7) to finish the job. Even then, getting rid of the dictator does not necessarily get rid of the dictatorship. The institutional framework that bolstered the dictator must also be dissembled or gutted (Chapter 8). Otherwise, the next rat will use the same institutional set-up to transform himself into another dictator. Recall the Tunisian lament: “We got rid of the dictator but not the dictatorship.”
Therefore, the question then is not just toppling the dictators but uprooting or dissembling the dictatorship. Chapter 8 is the most important of all the chapters because uprooting a dictatorship requires, not just political reform but also intellectual, constitutional, institutional and economic reform. The judiciary, intelligence services, the media, the electoral commission would all have to be cleansed and the tentacles of the dictatorship severed. But, as I stressed in Chapter 8, all these reform initiatives must be taken in sequence. Reform that is out of sequence creates problems. Premature economic reform or liberalization creates crony or vampire capitalism. In other words, it is not enough to cut down the tree; the roots must also be pulled out in sequence or order. Else, the tree will grow again.
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